THE PROGRESSIVE CONSERVATIVE, USA
An Online Journal of Political Commentary & Analysis
Volume XII, Issue # 165, August 21, 2010
Dr. Almon Leroy Way, Jr., Editor
Government Committed to & Acting in Accord with Conservative Principles
Ensures a Nation's Strength, Progress, & Prosperity
IRAQ & THE MIDDLE EASTERN COLD WAR
By Aymenn Jawad Al-Tamini
WHAT BODES FOR IRAQ'S FUTURE, IN TERMS OF ITS RELATIONS TO THE OTHER STATES IN THE MIDDLE EAST? THE
MIDDLE EASTERN COLD WAR -- THE CURRENT IDEOLOGICAL DIVISION IN THE MIDDLE EAST BETWEEN THE
"REVOLUTIONARY BLOC" & THE "STATUS-QUO BLOC" -- SAUDI ARABIA & IRAN JOSTLING FOR INFLUENCE IN IRAQ -- THE
POSSIBILITY OF IRAQ SOON EMERGING AS A THEATER OF PROXY WARFARE BETWEEN SAUDI ARABIA & IRAN
FULL STORY:
With the official end of U.S. combat operations in Iraq, what bodes for Iraq's future, in terms of its relations to other nations
in the Middle East? One useful way to examine this question is through the lens of what Daniel Pipes describes as the
present "Middle Eastern Cold War."
This new Cold War represents the current ideological division in the Middle East between (1) the "revolutionary bloc," led
chiefly by Iran, Syria, and, more recently, Turkey, and the (2) "status-quo bloc," led by Saudi Arabia and Egypt. While most
Sunni Arab states align themselves with the "status-quo bloc," there are notable exceptions in that Qatar and Oman back
the "revolutionary bloc," while Libya simply sits on the sidelines.
The Middle Eastern Cold War has manifested itself in recent years in several ways, including the ongoing tension in
Lebanon between Saad Hariri's coalition government and pro-Syrian factions like Hezb'allah, the contest between Fatah and
Hamas for the Palestinian leadership, and the conflict in Yemen between Iranian-backed Shi'a Houthi rebels and the
Saudi-backed central government of Ali Abdullah Saleh.
However, the most recent sign of this Cold War could well lie in Iraq as Saudi Arabia and Iran jostle for influence. With the
ongoing political stalemate that has created a power vacuum, it is Saudi Arabia's hope that the current Shi'a Prime Minister
Nouri Al-Maliki does not retain his position in power for fear that he will tilt Iraq towards Iran's regional bloc. Meanwhile,
Iran not only wishes for him to remain as Prime Minister, but also hopes for Maliki's State of Law (SOA) coalition and the
Sadrist Iraqi National Alliance (INA) to form the backbone of a new government, whereas the U.S. views a coalition between
SOA and Iyad Allawi's Iraqiya bloc as the best option.
Indeed, on repeated occasions, Saudi officials have been open in expressing their dislike for Maliki. For instance, in May,
2010, former Saudi intelligence chief Turki Al-Faisal accused Maliki of attempting to "deny the Iraqi people their legitimately
elected government," meaning that Allawi should be given the right to form a government. In addition, the Saudi
government has made a series of goodwill gestures, including receiving several Iraqi politicians such as Allawi and the
President of autonomous Iraqi Kurdistan Massoud Barzani on visits to Riyadh in an attempt to contain Iran's influence in
the country. Winning over the latter is viewed as especially important since the Kurdish parties are reported to have
extensive economic ties with Iran that date back at least two decades, above all in the smuggling of oil and other refined
petroleum products to Iran.
At the same time, Saudi Arabia has been trying to take advantage of recent, tougher sanctions against Iran to expand its
influence in Iraq through economic cooperation with the country. For example, in July, 2010, a Saudi airline launched the
first direct flights to Iraq in almost twenty years, having been suspended in the aftermath of Saddam Hussein's invasion of
Kuwait in 1991. Furthermore, Saudi food firms like Almarai have become involved in the export of foodstuffs to Iraq via
Kuwait and Jordan. Simultaneously, however, Saudi Arabia is concerned that Iraq's aspiring potential to produce some 10
- 12 million barrels of oil a day could dislodge the Saudi kingdom from its position as a leader of the OPEC cartel. Hence,
cooperation in the field of oil production is nonexistent.
Despite the measures undertaken by Saudi Arabia, Iran and the "revolutionary bloc's" influence on Iraq is all too evident.
Iran has repeatedly urged the Shi'a parties in Iraq to put aside their differences and form a ruling Shi'a-led government,
fearing that allowing Allawi's Iraqiya bloc to form a government will lead to a resurgence of Sunni minority rule and
Baathism. Also noteworthy, besides Kurdish smuggling of petroleum to Iran, are the already close economic ties between
the key players of the "revolutionary bloc" and Iraq that will likely grow in the future, as Iran, Turkey, and Syria continue
to restrict Iraq's water supplies through building dams on the Tigris and Euphrates and diverting water for irrigation
projects. This could create future "oil for water" trade schemes. Moreover, there are the Iranian-backed "Special Groups"
like the Kataib Hezb'allah that can resort to insurgent-style attacks to quash any efforts by the Sunni Arabs to exert their
diminished political influence and tilt Iraq towards the "status-quo bloc."
Thus, it is possible that Iraq will emerge as a sort of theatre of proxy warfare between Saudi Arabia and Iran in the near
future. Nevertheless, it is improbable that the struggle will be prolonged, as Iran, the leader of the "revolutionary bloc,"
and most of the Shi'a population of Iraq share the goal of ensuring Shi'a dominance in the country, such that Iraq, under
a Shi'a-led government, will likely become an auxiliary for the "revolutionary bloc." This outcome becomes much more
conceivable when one considers that Iran could well have nuclear weapons in the next few years, which will make it
much harder for its rivals to contain Iranian influence in Iraq.
LINKS TO RELATED TOPICS:
The Middle East & the Problem of Iraq
Page Two
Page One
The Problem of Rogue States:
Iraq as a Case History
National Strategy for Victory in Iraq
American Foreign Policy -- The Middle East
Middle East -- Arabs, Arab States,
& Their Middle Eastern Neighbors
Islamism & Jihadism -- The Threat of Radical Islam
Page Three
Page Two
Page One
International Politics & World Disorder:
War, Peace, & Geopolitics in the Real World:
Foreign Affairs & U.S. National Security
Page Two
Page One
Islamist Terrorist Attacks on the U.S.A.
Osama bin Laden & the Islamist Declaration of War
Against the U.S.A. & Western Civilization
Islamist International Terrorism &
U.S. Intelligence Agencies
Counterterrorism & U.S. National Security
U.S. National Security Strategy
Aymenn Jawad Al-Tamimi is an intern at Middle East Forum.
The foregoing article by Aymenn Jawad Al-Tamimi was originally published in American Thinker, August 21, 2010,
and can be found on the Internet website maintained by the Middle East Forum, a foreign policy think tank which seeks to
define and promote American interests in the Middle East, defining U.S. interests to include fighting radical Islam, working
for Palestinian Arab acceptance of the State of Israel, improving the management of U.S. efforts to promote constitutional
democracy in the Middle East, reducing America's energy dependence on the Middle East, more robustly asserting U.S.
interests vis-à-vis Saudi Arabia, and countering the Iranian threat.
(URL: http://www.meforum.org/2726/iraq-middle- eastern-cold-war)
Republished with Permission of the Middle East Forum
Reprinted from the Middle East Forum News
mefnews@meforum.org (MEF NEWS)
August 21, 2010
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THE PROGRESSIVE CONSERVATIVE, USA
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Dr. Almon Leroy Way, Jr., Editor
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