UNITED STATES FOREIGN POLICY
By Jon Kyle
The effort to combat terror has led to a much needed rethinking of all of the assumptions that guided our actions during the Cold War. We no longer confront an enemy at a fixed location, an enemy whose goals and activities are easily ascertained. Our new adversary consists of a shadowy network of operatives that span the globe. We need to reconsider our military structure, the nature of our alliances, and our action on the world stage in order to enable us to meet the threat posed by this new enemy.
The war on terrorism will take us to many different places, far beyond our shores. Some of our actions will be in concert with foreign intelligence agencies to thwart potential plots against our homeland. Others will involve freezing funds or confronting socalled "charities" that serve as a front for funding terrorist operations.
While diplomacy and the peaceful resolution of differences will always be the first choice of the United States, military action will sometimes be required. The tragedy of the 9-11 Islamist terrorist attacks illustrated that the U.S.A. cannot always trust in others for its security, nor can it retreat behind a paper-peace. I will continue to support a policy of confronting challenges before they fully develop.
The past two years has seen a succession of triumphs for constitutional democracy. There was a peaceful revolution in the former Soviet Republic of Georgia. The "Orange Revolution" in nearby Ukraine catapulted a new president to power in the face of despotic opposition. Elections in Iraq and Afghanistan saw citizens defy en masse the intimidation and violence of Islamic extremists. It is imperative that the U.S.A. and its allies support constitutional democracy wherever it emerges.
In general, U.S. engagement with other nations must first protect America's vital national interests. These interests include (1) defeating terrorism (2) preventing or at least limiting the spread of nuclear, chemical, and biological weapons and the means to deliver them, (3) checking the ambitions of potentially aggressive nations, (4) assisting the transition to constitutional democracy in the states of the former Soviet Union and elsewhere, (5) maintaining good relationships with key allies in strategic regions, such as Israel in the Middle East and Taiwan in the Far East, and (6) protecting and preserving American national sovereignty.
I support expansion of the NATO alliance to include those nations that want its protection, that are committed to constitutional democracy, and that are willing to assume the alliance's obligations. I also support reform of the United Nations, as a condition of continuing America's sizable financial support of that organization. The United States must resist all efforts by the U.N. to assert its authority over national interests and destroy our national sovereignty.
International trade benefits both American consumers and producers, and lifts up the economies of other nations, thus improving the global economic and political climate. Mutual benefits from trade are contingent upon adherence to the rule of law by each participating nation. The United States should insist on adherence to the rule of law by countries with which we maintain normal trade relations.
Bellicosity from Beijing and continued military expansion implicate the long-standing U.S. commitment to our nation's strategic and democratic partner, Taiwan. I will continue to support efforts to strengthen the relationship between the U.S.A. and Taiwan, codified in the Taiwan Relations Act. The entire international community, not just the United States, has an interest in keeping the Taiwan Strait peaceful.
It is just this interest that is being challenged by the European Union as it considers lifting its arms embargo on China -- an embargo that has its roots in the Tiananmen Square massacre of 1989. President Bush opposes a lifting of the embargo, as do I. First, there has not been an improvement in the condition -- a poor human rights situation -- that precipitated the embargo's imposition in the first place. The European Parliament, the Dutch Parliament, and the German Parliament have all passed cautionary resolutions for this reason.
Second, increased European military sales to China will benefit China's military and threaten peace in the Taiwan Strait. China has refused to renounce the use of force against democratic Taiwan, and, as a matter of fact, the PRC just passed a resolution reaffirming its right to use force. The United States has pledged to help Taiwan defend itself. If the EU lifts its embargo, the U.S.A. will have to consider the manner in which it shares its military technology and equipment with countries in the European Union (lest these materials find their way to the PRC).
Israel, in fact, is the only constitutional democracy in that region. It is the only Middle East nation that accords rights to women and elects its leaders by a true democratic vote. Israeli schools do not teach their children to root for the destruction of Arab countries, or compare the United States to Satan. The Israeli media is free to write and report what it wants. Israeli citizens can say what they think, can denounce their government's policies, can stage protests, can read and write whatever they please.
In order to better advance the relationship between our countries, I serve as Co-Chairman of the U.S.-Israel Joint Parliamentary Committee on National Security, a group consisting of members of Congress and the Knesset that continues to meet and explore ways our two legislatures can work together to advance our common security interests.
In January, 2005, I had the privilege to observe the Palestinian elections. This is an important step for the Palestinians on their path to a real constitutional democracy. But it is only the first step. The question now is whether the victorious Mahmoud Abbas will use his mandate to turn the Palestinian Authority into a governing body that genuinely represents its people, respects and protects human rights, and strives to lay the groundwork for genuine negotiations with Israel, negotiations that could lead to the creation of a Palestinian state.
Some have called on President Bush to "seize the moment," and quickly broker some kind of a deal. But a better approach is to give Abbas himself time to demonstrate whether he will do what is necessary to achieve lasting peace.
The Far East & U.S. Foreign Policy
The Israeli-Arab Conflict
The Middle East & the Arabs
The Middle East & the Problem of Iraq
Page Two Page One
The Middle East & the Problem of Iran
War & Peace in the Real World
Page Two Page One
Islamist Terrorist Attacks on the U.S.A.
Osama bin Laden & the Islamist Declaration of War
Against the U.S.A. & Western Civilization
Islamist International Terrorism &
U.S. Intelligence Agencies
U.S. National Security Strategy
Jon Kyle is a Republican member of the U.S. Senate, elected from and representing the State of Arizona.
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