THE PROGRESSIVE CONSERVATIVE, USA
An Online Journal of Political Commentary & Analysis
Volume VIII, Issue # 12, January 13, 2006
Dr. Almon Leroy Way, Jr., Editor
Government Committed to & Acting in Accord with Conservative Principles
Ensures a Nation's Strength, Progress, & Prosperity
MONSTERS OF THE LEFT: THE MUJAHEDIN AL-KHALQ
By Michael Rubin
IRAN'S MUJAHEDIN AL-KHALQ: A TERRORIST ORGANIZATION THAT COMBINES MARXISM & ISLAMISM, SEEKS TO
OVERTHROW THE POLITICAL REGIME OF THE AYATOLLAHS, & IS JUST AS BAD AS THE REGIME THE MKO WANTS TO
REPLACE -- THE MKO AS AN ORGANIZATION THAT ESCHEWS CONSTITUTIONAL DEMOCRACY & EMBRACES TERRORISM,
DICTATORSHIP, MARXISM, & ISLAMO-FASCISM -- A GROUP THAT IS AS ANTI-AMERICAN & ANTI-WESTERN AS THE ISLAMIC
REPUBLIC OF IRAN
FULL STORY:
Few terrorist groups garner the bipartisan endorsement and support that Iran's Mujahedin al-Khalq Organization [MKO] has.
On October 20, 2005, several U.S. Congressmen and many congressional aides attended a briefing in Congress. Maryam
Rajavi, co-leader of the group and self-styled President-elect of Iran, addressed the gathering by video from France. [1] She
received a warm reception. Representative Sheila Jackson Lee (Democrat - Texas) thanked "Sister Maryam." [2] A
bipartisan group of U.S. Congressmen have signed petitions calling for the U.S. Department of State to lift its 1997
classification of the group as a terrorist organization. [3] In an April 8, 2003, interview, Representative Ileana Ros-Lehtinen
(Republican - Florida.), Chairwoman of the House International Relations Committee's Central Asia and Middle East
Subcommittee said:
"This group loves the United States. They're assisting us in the
war on terrorism; they're pro-U.S. This group has not been
fighting against the U.S. It's simply not true." [4]
Ros-Lehtinen is wrong. Unfortunately, hers is a mistake common to some on the Left and the Right who care deeply about
Iranian freedom, but fail to understand the nature of a group which, in public, says the right things about freedom and
democracy but, in reality, is dedicated to the opposite. Maryam Rajavi and her husband Masud are adept at public relations
and adroit at reinvention, but the organization over which they preside eschews democracy and embraces terrorism,
autocracy, and Marxism.
ORIGINS
The roots of the MKO lie in the early 1960s. For years, clerical and feudal interests had blocked real reform in Iran. Society
was paralyzed. In 1961, under pressure from the Kennedy administration, the Shah appointed as Prime Minister ‘Ali Amini,
an Iranian aristocrat and former Ambassador to the United States, whom Washington respected as a reformer. Amini began
to challenge the traditional classes and interest groups who had long hampered reform.
In January, 1962, the Shah decreed Iran's first real land reform. The Shah assumed the mantle of reforming crusader. He
launched "the Shah-People Revolution," better known as the "White Revolution." Its six points were: land reform,
nationalization of forests, sale of government-owned factories to finance land reform, women's suffrage, a Literacy Corps in
which conscripts could serve as an alternative to the army, and distribution to workers of part of factories' profits. Such
reform cut deep into the fabric of Iranian society, angering social conservatives, clerics, and xenophobic nationalists.
Against this backdrop and angered by both the growing secularization of Iranian politics and the influx of foreigners,
engineer and Islamic activist Mehdi Bazargan formed the Liberation Movement of Iran. His goal was to combine Iranian
nationalism with Islamism. "We refuse to divorce religion from politics… because Shi‘i Islam is an integral part of our popular
culture," [5] the group stated in its inaugural declaration. Ayatollah Mahmud Taleqani, a free-thinking and modernizing cleric
introduced to Marxist thought while imprisoned in the 1930s, became a mentor to Bazargan who, in turn, would become
provisional Prime Minister during the first days of the 1979 revolution.
In July, 1962, 'Ali Amini resigned from the position of Prime Minister, resigning in anger over both the Shah's military
spending and what Amini considered the stinginess of other U.S. aid to Iran. Chaos reigned supreme. The ayatollahs seized
the initiative. Islamic groups marched against social reforms and the new laws which restricted the clergy's traditional
privileges. Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini rose to prominence as the head of the clerical opposition.
By 1963, what little tolerance the Shah had for the opposition evaporated. On June 5, 1963, he ordered Khomeini's arrest.
Rioting erupted and ended only after the police killed several hundred students and demonstrators.
Ironically, even as the Shah's crackdown sent oppositionists underground, his reforms catalyzed their growth. State
scholarships enabled a far greater range of Iranians to receive higher education than at any previous time in history.
University campuses became incubators of opposition. Young radicals looked abroad and drew inspiration from
revolutionary movements in Algeria, Vietnam, Cuba, and elsewhere.
THE BIRTH OF THE MUJAHHEDIN AL-KHALQ
Following the 1963 crackdown, Bazargan's Liberation Movement splintered. While older members drew inspiration from the
Left-leaning nationalist and ousted Prime Minister Muhammad Musaddiq, who flirted with mob violence but did not sanction
terrorism, many younger members argued that political reform was impossible and embraced armed struggle. These younger
members, including a University of Tehran political science student named Masud Rajavi, coalesced into a discussion group
which, in 1965, would form the Mujahedin al-Khalq.
It would be another seven years before the MKO would emerge from its self-imposed veil of secrecy and declare itself to the
wider world.
The MKO preached a combination of Marxism and Islamism. They argued that not only did God create the world, but he also
set forth a historical evolution in which a classless society would supplant capitalist inequity. Such a radical re-interpretation
of Islam bred division, not only with the secular and capitalist state, but also with the traditional, conservative clergy, which
resented the MKO argument that "Shi‘i ‘ulama [religious scholars], just like the Sunnis, have failed to grasp the real essence
of Qur‘anic dynamism." [6]
Rajavi and other MKO ideologues reinterpreted religion to justify terrorism. Death during armed struggle, they said, was
consistent with traditional Shi‘i glorification of martyrdom. They created a precedent from which they and later terrorist
groups like Lebanese Hizbullah could and did justify suicide bombing, a plague which afflicts the Middle Eastern region to
the present.
In order to prepare itself for armed struggle, the MKO reached out to the Palestinian Liberation Organization. In 1970, several
leading MKO, including Rajavi, received terrorist training in PLO camps in Jordan and Lebanon. The group subsequently
cemented links to the Libyan regime of Mu‘ammar Qadhafi and to the People's Democratic Republic of Yemen, the Soviet
Union's Arabian Peninsula satellite.
The MKO's first attempt to create a terrorist spectacle failed. A prison informant betrayed their plans to blow up a power
station to disrupt the 1971 celebrations surrounding the 2500th anniversary of the Persian monarchy. An attempt to kidnap
the Shah's nephew also failed. However, the subsequent trial and execution of those involved bolstered the prestige of the
organization. At his trial, Rajavi gave a rousing anti-imperialist speech in which he accused the United States, western banks,
and multinational corporations of most of the ills of Iran and the developing world. "The main goal now," Rajavi declared,
"is to free Iran of U.S. imperialism." [7]
The military tribunal was harsh: It condemned 11 MKO leaders, including Rajavi, to death. The Iranian government commuted
the sentences of Rajavi and one co-conspirator to life imprisonment, after Rajavi's brother launched an international clemency
campaign. The execution of the MKO's founders and so many other early members positioned Rajavi well to consolidate
organization control upon his January, 1979, release.
While dealt a mighty blow, the MKO rebounded. It recruited new members in Iranian high schools, universities and prisons
and among the thousands of Iranian university students studying in Western Europe and the United States. The group also
established a radio station in Baghdad from which to broadcast anti-regime propaganda into Iran. The MKO latched onto the
teachings of the Left-leaning Ayatollah ‘Ali Shariati, who openly preached a similar but less radical message. They used
Shariati's preaching as a launching point for underground discussion and indoctrination.
The imprisonment and execution of its leadership did not eviscerate the organization. It soon struck again. On May 30 and 31,
1972, shortly before President Richard Nixon's state visit to Iran, the MKO launched a wave of bomb attacks which targeted
the Iran-American Society, the U.S. Information Office, the Hotel International, Pepsi Cola, General Motors, and the Marine
Oil Company. They failed to assassinate General Harold Price, head of the U.S. Military Mission in Iran. Less than three
months later, they bombed the Jordanian Embassy to revenge King Hussein's September, 1970, crackdown on their PLO
patrons. In 1973, the MKO bombed the Pan-American Airlines building, Shell Oil and Radio City Cinema in Tehran and
assassinated Colonel Lewis Hawkins, the Deputy Chief of the U.S. Military Mission. They did not only target foreigners. In
a wave of bombings that continued into 1975, the MKO group attacked clubs, stores, police facilities, minority-owned
businesses, factories it accused of having "Israeli connections," and symbols of state and capitalism.
Not all was well within the MKO leadership. In 1975, the group divided into a Marxist faction that eschewed Islam, and a
Muslim faction which did not. Baruch College historian Ervand Abrahamian, whose dispassionate and academic study of the
MKO is the most thorough, argued that the shift of many MKO leaders to Marxism had three causes: Disillusionment with
Ayatollah Khomeini, inability to win over the secular intelligentsia, and the influence of other radical groups like the
Feda'iyan. [8]
Rajavi headed the Muslim Mujahedin branch in Qasr prison.
Both groups, the Muslim faction and the Marxist faction, continued their attacks on government and Western targets, all the
while striking at each other. While the Marxist MKO was unsuccessful in an attempt to assassinate a senior U.S. diplomat, it
killed three American employees of Rockwell International.
THE ISLAMIC REVOLUTION
While both MKO factions participated in the Islamic Revolution, the Muslim MKO found shelter under the banner of
Taleqani and rode the Revolution to prominence. They claimed some credit for the seizure of the U.S. Embassy and
subsequent hostage taking, and later demonstrated against their release. The Muslim faction did not eschew Marxism.
Rajavi and the MKO supported the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, and opposed the Afghan mujahedin struggling against
it.
In the wake of the Islamic Revolution, Rajavi consolidated his control over the organization. [9] Rajavi divided the leadership
into a Politburo and a Central Committee, and created a number of organizations to recruit and train new members. This
proliferation of front organization, all serving an ideological and disciplined leadership, remains characteristic of the group
today.
It was not long before Rajavi and the MKO came into conflict with the clerical circles surrounding Khomeini. Relations
between the MKO and Khomeini had been long strained. While Khomeini's theological justification of clerical rule was a
radical reworking of traditional Shi‘i jurisprudence, he was otherwise conservative. He considered the MKO's blending of
Islam with Marxism, as well as the group's denial of past jurisprudence, to be anathema. When an MKO delegation had
visited Khomeini in Najaf in 1972, rather than offer the support they sought, he lectured them on true Islam.
Within a year of Khomeini's return to Iran, his followers began to label Rajavi and the MKO "unbelievers" and "hypocrites."
The MKO, in return, accused Khomeini of hijacking the revolution and imposing dictatorship. Prior to the Islamic Revolution,
Khomeini promised the masses Islamic democracy, even as he consolidated dictatorship. The MKO sought to replicate his
strategy, for practical, not idealistic, aims.
Khomeini had the upper hand, though. He closed the group's offices, banned its papers, and forced the MKO underground.
The MKO was not his only target, though. As he consolidated power, he moved against President Abulhasan Bani Sadr, [10]
whose independence and moderation undercut Khomeini's theocratic ambitions. While Bani Sadr did not join the MKO, he
formed a tacit alliance with the group, which, in turn, benefited from the President's prestige.
Both Bani Sadr and the MKO called for national protests on June 20, 1980, and demonstrators heeded their call. Perhaps a
half million poured into the streets in Tehran; many more turned out in cities across Iran. But Khomeini and his supporters in
the Islamic Republic Party were ready. They labeled anyone marching in support of the MKO to be enemies of God, subject to
summary execution. They kept their word. Khomeini's followers killed hundreds. The warden of Evin Prison, Tehran's main
political prison, bragged of his execution of teenage girls.
Khomeini's opponents responded. Terrorists — their affiliation unclear — blew up the Islamic Republic Party headquarters,
killing hardline Ayatollah Mohammed Hosseini Beheshti, founder of the Islamic Republic's judiciary, and 72 party members.
Khomeini used the attack as reason to accelerate his purge. A reign of terror began. Thousands perished before Islamic
Republic firing squads and upon its gallows. As Khomeini consolidated control, Iranians' willingness to support the MKO
evaporated.
The MKO did not surrender, though. It drove its terrorist campaign to a fever pitch, assassinating several hundred regime
officials and Revolutionary Guards, and bombing the homes and offices of clerics. The group also targeted judges who
passed sentence against their members. The MKO used suicide bombers with deadly effect, killing in separate incidents the
Friday prayer leaders of Tehran and Shiraz. At its peak in July, 1982, the group assassinated, on average, three regime officials
per day; publicly, the MKO has claimed responsibility for the murders of over 10,000 people in Iran since 1981. But, while the
terrorist campaign shook the Islamic Republic to its core, it also claimed many innocent victims.
Rajavi and Bani Sadr both fled to Paris during Khomeini's crackdown. While Bani Sadr and others had joined with the MKO
under the banner of the National Council, such formal ties were short-lived. By 1984 the former President and many other
groups left the umbrella, upset with the MKO's ideology and Rajavi's dictatorial tendencies.
Still more MKO supporters fled to Iraq, where they accepted the protection of President Saddam Hussein. What little support
the group had once enjoyed in Iran evaporated, as Iranians saw the MKO rally in support of a dictator who launched a war
that, by its conclusion in 1988, killed several hundred thousand Iranians.
Ordinary Iranians are quite vocal in their hatred of the Islamic Republic and ridicule its current Supreme Leader ‘Ali Khamene‘i.
Many ask about Reza Pahlavi, the U.S.-based son of the late Shah. Others speak of other opposition groups, and many more
rally to the names of the Islamic Republic's own dissidents. But, without exception, all spew venom toward the MKO. The
group's violence and its betrayal of Iranian nationalism lost it all popular support in Iran.
Nor did the MKO win Iraqi support. Iraqi intelligence coordinated MKO activities. [11] Iraqi Kurds and Shi‘a accuse the group
of participating in reprisals against Iraqi civilians following the March, 1991, uprising. According to Qubad Talabani, son of
Iraqi President Jalal Talabani,
"Up until the fall of the regime, they were part and parcel of the Iraqi
military. And they were heavily involved in suppressing the Kurdish
uprising of 1991." [12]
REINVENTION
While the MKO lost both its revolutionary power struggle and the battle for Iranian hearts and minds, Rajavi has worked
tirelessly to reinvent the MKO's image. Again, he sought power in and sympathy from so many members' martyrdom. At first,
the group reached out to its old Leftist and Arab nationalist patrons in Algeria and Lebanon and among members of the PLO.
It also sent delegations to the Italian and Greek Communist Parties, the Indian Socialist Party, and the British Labour Party. It
found a sympathetic audience among Left-leaning human rights organization and academics. The group targeted European
parliamentarians, and more than 3,000 parliamentarians signed a 1986 petition of support. [13]
The admission of Ayatollah Hossein ‘Ali Montazeri, long-time Khomeini deputy, that Khomeini ordered the executions of
3,000 incarcerated MKO members allowed the organization to further play the martyr card. [14] The National Council of
Resistance's website describes an international organization with "official contacts with most European countries… [and]
amicable relations with Middle Eastern nations." The group has continued its petition drives. Congressional aides describe
how the group sends pretty young women into the halls of Congress and various parliaments with innocuous petitions.
With most lawmakers having little idea of the baggage the group carries, MKO devotees get results. The group brags:
"In 1992, in a joint global initiative, 1,500 parliamentarians declared
their support for the NCR as the democratic alternative to the
Khomeini regime. This included a majority in the US House of
Representatives." [15]
Ervand Abrahamian speculated that the MKO sought to replicate the PLO's strategy of winning recognition as the
representatives of the Palestinian people through the international community. The MKO continues to post endorsements,
many taken out of context, on its website. [16]
Within the United States, MKO members tell Congressmen, their staffs, and other policymakers what they want to hear: That
the MKO is the only opposition movement capable of ousting the unpopular and repressive Islamic Republic. They are slick.
Friendly lawmakers and commentators get Christmas baskets full of nuts and sweets. Well-dressed and well-spoken
representatives of MKO front organizations approach American writers, politicians, and pundits who are critical of the Iranian
regime.
The enemy of an adversary is not necessarily a friend, though. Thinking otherwise is the kind of logic that caused U.S. State
Department realists in the Reagan administration to support a dictator like Saddam Hussein. The MKO have little in their record
to suggest constitutional democracy to be a goal. While they opposed the Islamic Republic only after Khomeini purged them
from power, the group sought to replace Khomeini's dictatorship with a dictatorship of its own. They omit and often deny their
past anti-U.S. and anti-Western terrorism.
Today, Masud Rajavi — and his second wife, Maryam — work to impose totalitarian control over its membership. Portraits of
Masud and Maryam loom large in MKO demonstrations and facilities. In the West, the group forbids its members from reading
anything but MKO newspapers and publications. Many MKO live in communal households and participate in mandatory study
groups. In Camp Ashraf, Iraq, where many members sit in limbo following Saddam's fall, MKO minders enforce celibacy, employ
cult methods to break down individual will, and shield members from unsupervised exposure to outsiders. [17]
HOW THE LEFT EMPOWERS THE MKO TODAY
Prior to Iraq's liberation, there was rare interagency agreement about the MKO within the U.S. government. From Foggy Bottom
to the Pentagon to the Old Executive Office Building, there was rare unanimity. As a terrorist organization closely allied with
Saddam's regime, the MKO should be considered combatants if they raised arms, and prisoners if they did not. The Islamic
Republic might want the group for crimes both real and imagined, but the fate of MKO stranded in Iraq would ultimately rest
with the new Iraqi judiciary, which might want to try individual members for atrocities committed in 1991.
During Iraq's liberation, U.S. troops surrounded Camp Ashraf, the main MKO base in Iraq. Those MKO who did not flee during
the war stood down. The U.S. military confined 3,800 MKO "security detainees" in the Camp. [18] The Iranian government
demanded forced repatriation and, through intermediaries, offered to trade al-Qa'ida members sheltering in Iran for MKO
members captured in Iraq. This offer was refused for three reasons: The priority of the Iraqi judiciary in the matter, Iran's own
lack of due process, and the belief that Iran should turn over al-Qa'ida terrorists in the interest of justice, not for a quid pro quo.
How did the Left subsequently bolster Rajavi and empower the MKO? On May 10, 2003, Agence France Presse quoted General
Ray Odierno, Commander of the 4th. Infantry Division, as saying, "I would say that any organization that has given up their
equipment to the Coalition clearly is cooperating with us, and I believe that should lead to a review of whether they are still a
terrorist organization or not." Odierno's statement was unwise. He had no authorization to make such a comment, nor did it
reflect anything but his own opinion. The MKO are masters of propaganda; he was unaware of the group's history.
Complacency in the face of an opponent's overwhelming firepower makes an adversary smart, not democratic.
The gaffe made, the Pentagon fumbled its response. Its policy hierarchy and public affairs machinery were more effective at
editing each others' grammar than at damage control. Despite subsequent interagency clarifications, Leftwing pundits and
academic conspiracy theorists went into overdrive. They knowingly conflated a single general's off-hand remark into a
statement of policy, and then they conflated the uniformed services with civilian staff. "…The Neocons in the Pentagon have
some sort of weird alliance with the MEK [MKO] mad bombers," University of Michigan Professor Juan Cole wrote. [19] Cole's
anti-Semitic and partisan-driven conspiracy theories played into Rajavi's hands by enabling the group to project a false image
of support where none existed. Partisan bloggers like Laura Rozen, off-kilter academics like Cole and Brown University
anthropologist William O. Beeman, Knight-Ridder and Washington Post correspondents, and columnists of the
New York Times repeated the story, substituting hypothesis for fact, citing each other and justifying their beliefs with
anonymous sources. None can produce an iota of evidence. While the MKO has the support of a handful of Congressmen and
a small number pundits, Rajavi has no support in the power centers of Washington, D.C.. Nevertheless, he bolsters his
supporters' morale and basks in the claim of support, however false.
Even in the era of resurgent realism, some issues should remain absolute. Terrorism, the deliberate targeting of civilians for
political gain, should never be acceptable. Mitigating factors do not exist. True, in August, 2003, the MKO exposed Iran's
covert nuclear enrichment program. It continues to penetrate Iran's defenses and assassinate its opponents. This, though, is
more a result of corruption and the Islamic Republic's crumbling control over its periphery. The MKO — and any other group
— can bribe officials and penetrate defenses. This should not give reason, on the hundredth anniversary of Iran's
Constitutional Revolution, to advance or reward Rajavi's life-long megalomaniacal quest for power and his backward blend of
Marxism and Islamism. Many "monsters of the Left" use the rhetoric of democracy to realize their ambition. Masud and Maryam
Rajavi, and the organization over which they exert dictatorial control, are no exception. The Islamic Republic of Iran victimizes
its people and threatens U.S. and regional security. The solution to the problem rests, not with empowering a group or
individuals just as bad, but, rather, in supporting the Iranian people in their quest for liberty, freedom, and democracy.
NOTES:
[1] For the text of Rajavi's speech, see: http://ncr-iran.org/content/view/476/1/
[2] Guy Dinmore. "Iran Opposition Groups seeks US Legitimacy." Financial Times. October 6, 2005.
[3] For the State Department background and justification of the MKO terrorist classification, see:
http://www.state.gov/s/ct/rls/pgtrpt/2003/31711.htm. For the U.S. Treasury Department's Office of Foreign Asset Control
designation, see: http://www.treas.gov/offices/enforcement/ofac/actions/20030815.shtml
[4] The Hill. April 8, 2003. http://www.hillnews.com/news/040803/roslehtinen.aspx
[5] Quoted in Ervand Abrahamian. The Iranian Mojahedin. (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1989), 83. Much of this article's
description of the MKO's early history is drawn from Abrahamian's account.
[6] Cheguneh Qur‘an Biamuzim (How to Study the Qur‘an), as quoted in Abrahamian, 97.
[7] As quoted in Abrahamian, 135.
[8] Abrahamian, 149.
[9] U.S. Department of State. "Background Information: National Council of Resistence, Moslem Iranian Students Society,
Iran Relief Fund, People's Mojaheddin Organization of Iran, Mojahedin-e-Khalq, Iran Liberation, Iranian People's Resistance."
March 13, 1986.
[10] Bani Sadr's website: http://www.banisadr.com.fr/
[11] Ibrahim al-Marashi. "Iraq's Security and Intelligence Network: A Guide and Analysis." Middle East Review of
International Affairs. September 2002. http://meria.idc.ac.il/journal/2002/issue3/jv6n3a1.html
[12] Eli Lake. "Iranian Group Asks State To Lift Terror Designation." New York Sun. April 15, 2005.
[13] Abrahamian, 245.
[14] Grand Ayatollah Hossein ‘Ali Montzeri. Khatarat-i Ayatollah Montazeri. (Spanga, Sweden: Baran, 2000), 243-251.
[15] See: "International Support" on the official website of the National Council of Resistance of Iran
http://www.iran-e-azad.org/english/ncri.html#intsup
[16] See: "Foreign Affairs Committee of the National Council of Resistance of Iran." http://www.ncr-iran.org/
[17] Elizabeth Rubin. "The Cult of Rajavi." The New York Times. July 13, 2003.
[18] Agence France Press, Sept. 18, 2003.
[19] http://www.juancole.com/2004/08/republican-convention-we-did-not-seek.html
LINKS TO RELATED TOPICS:
The Middle East & the Problem of Iran
Islamism & Jihadism -- The Threat of Radical Islam
Page Three
Page Two
Page One
War & Peace in the Real World
Page Two
Page One
Islamist Terrorist Attacks on the U.S.A.
Osama bin Laden & the Islamist Declaration of War
Against the U.S.A. & Western Civilization
Islamist International Terrorism &
U.S. Intelligence Agencies
U.S. National Security Strategy
Michael Rubin, a resident scholar at the American Enterprise Institute, is Editor of the Middle East Quarterly. His most
recent book is Eternal Iran: Continuity and Chaos (Palgrave, 2005).
The foregoing article by Michael Rubin was originally published in
Front Page Magazine, January 13, 2006, and can be found on the Internet website maintained by the
Middle East Forum.
Republished with Permission of the Middle East Forum
Reprinted from the Middle East Forum News
mefnews@meforum.org (MEF NEWS)
January 13, 2006
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