THE PROGRESSIVE CONSERVATIVE, USA
An Online Journal of Political Commentary & Analysis
Volume IX, Issue # 88, May 16, 2007
Dr. Almon Leroy Way, Jr., Editor
Government Committed to & Acting in Accord with Conservative Principles
Ensures a Nation's Strength, Progress, & Prosperity
RUDY GIULIANI HAS HIS "DUKAKIS MOMENT"
By Christopher G. Adamo
POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY, PRAGMATISM, & THE U.S. PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION OF 2008: THE ENDEAVOR TO DOWNPLAY OR
CONCEAL THE LIBERALISM OF A PRESIDENTIAL CONTENDER & GIVE HIM A CONSERVATIVE IMAGE -- WHY THE RUSE DID
NOT WORK IN PAST PRESIDENTIAL CONTESTS & IS NOT LIKELY TO SUCCEED IN THE 2008 RACE FOR THE PRESIDENCY --
RELEVANCE OF THE EXPERIENCE OF LIBERAL DEMOCRAT MICHAEL DUKAKIS IN 1988 TO THE TACTICS OF LIBERAL
REPUBLICAN RUDY GIULIANI IN THE CURRENT PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN
FULL STORY:
Back in 1988, as the Reagan era drew to a close, it was almost amusing to watch the Bush/Dukakis presidential race unfold.
With the senior George Bush widely presumed to intend an administration that would be a continuation of the Reagan
legacy, most of Conservative America rallied around him, leaving Democratic Party challenger Michael Dukakis struggling
to establish his own viable political turf. In the process, the tap-dancing, waffling, and posturing of the Massachusetts
Liberal was unforgettable.
Early on, George H. W. Bush publicly assumed the Reagan mantle. In doing so, he did not hesitate to highlight the
contrasts between himself and his opponent with such memorable strategic moves as the Willie Horton ads, reminding
everyone of Dukakis’ disastrous “weekend furlough” policies that allowed violent felons out onto the streets to inflict
more mayhem on the rest of society.
In response, Dukakis was driven to make assertions of being “tough on crime.” So preposterous was the notion that it
drew a general round of laughter and derision from audience members during one of the presidential debates.
Further defining Dukakis, George Bush bluntly characterized him as extremely Liberal, referenceing his status of “a card
carrying member of the ACLU” as evidence.
Against such an onslaught, Dukakis flailed in desperation, often resulting in political gymnastics. His “strong on the
military” television ad, in which he was driven around a field at the turret of an M-1 tank, appeared absolutely buffoonish,
and remains among the most notable political miscalculations of all time. Yet even this was ultimately eclipsed by a rash
turnabout in the final days of the campaign season.
Having been unable to persuade mainstream America that the Liberal Massachusetts Governor did not lean so far to the
Left, he suddenly adopted a strategy of embracing his weakness as a “strength,” in a futile effort to take if off the political
table.
As Election Day approached, and not looking very good in the polls, Dukakis conceded his Liberalism, but rhetorically
asked just why that was so bad. America knew the answer. And, from that day forward, his campaign imploded.
George Bush 41, in a seeming alignment with the philosophies of his predecessor, Ronald Reagan, had defined himself so
clearly as a candidate that Dukakis was unable to wiggle past the boundaries Bush had established. As a result, Dukakis
moved first to the Right, and then to the Left, in desperate attempts to find a position that would put him ahead.
Ultimately, it became patently obvious to the public that his constantly changing stances were merely a ploy, especially
when they completely contradicted his phony persona of previous weeks.
Unfortunately for consummate Republican pragmatists, the GOP is no more immune to the adverse effects of such tactics
than are the Democrats. If anything, Republicans are even more vulnerable, since, at the most inopportune moment, the
Liberal media will publicly dissect any discrepancies in their stated platform.
At the point that a candidate finds himself on opposite sides of the same issue over such a short period of time, he is
essentially campaigning against himself. It did not work for Michael Dukakis in 1988. Nor is it any more likely to be
successful in an era in which alternative media and the Internet will guarantee that any inconsistencies on the issues will
eventually be put under the bright lights.
In the already unfolding 2008 presidential race, the Republican candidate who, thus far, has made the greatest public
spectacle of just such behavior is former New York Mayor Rudy Giuliani. And, although his most prominent political tap
dance pertains to abortion, his inarguably Liberal governing philosophies on several other issues are no less vulnerable
to the inevitable scrutiny that will ensue.
By his transparent effort to find “middle ground” on the fundamental issue of human life, where clearly none exists,
Giuliani has proved that his recent pronouncement of a decidedly pro-abortion stance resulted neither from any heartfelt
belief nor from any desire to promote a certain agenda. Rather, it represents a desperate calculation, designed to hastily
settle a brewing firestorm that otherwise leaves him exposed to further controversy.
During the May 4, 2007, Republican debate, Liberal “mediator” Chris Matthews hammered him relentlessly on the
abortion issue. As a result, the Giuliani camp seems to have concluded that an unambiguous statement on the issue, no
matter how adverse to the Conservative base, would settle matters more quickly and equitably than a continuation of his
former course. Unfortunately for Giuliani, however, this latest announcement, when weighed against his previous
postures on the abortion issue, is anything but “unambiguous.”
Giuliani has since reasserted his belief in a woman’s inherent “right to choose.” Yet, in past months, he has claimed to
support the confirmation of U.S. Supreme Court Justices who may well eradicate that “right.” So now he will be forced to
“clarify” his statement on the sort of Justices he would, as President, nominate for appointment to the high court. This
can of worms has only begun to open.
Furthermore, by now taking such a strident stance on an issue about which he diligently sought, until this past weekend,
to find “common ground” with the base, he shows, once again, that all of his stances on this issue are merely postures.
Thus, his political gymnastics beg the question of which other foundational issues are similarly up for debate and
reconsideration in the aftershocks of tough questioning from reporters.
Among Giuliani’s other “Achilles Heel” issues are his support for same-sex “marriage,” amnesty for illegal aliens, and gun
control. He can certainly expect no less of a media attack over these clearly non-Conservative philosophies in the
upcoming months. Yet, even the heat he now faces will be minor in comparison to the potentially fatal blow the media will
be able to deliver to his camaign, if he wins the Republican nomination next year.
In the process, Conservatism in the GOP will unquestionably suffer a setback from which it may never recover.
LINKS TO RELATED TOPICS:
American Politics & Political Competition:
Elections, PACs, & Political Parties
American Government & the U.S. Presidency:
Presidential Politics & National Leadership
The American Political System:
Politics & Government in the U.S.A.
The American Political & Cultural Left:
Liberals, Statists, Socialists, & Other Leftists
Liberalism Versus Conservatism in American Politics
-------------------------
POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY & POLITICAL IDEOLOGIES:
COMPETING SYSTEMS OF POLITICAL THOUGHT
Conservatism
Traditional Conservatism: Questions & Answers
Conservatism: Attitudes, Types, & Present Status
Constitutional Conservatism: American & British
Liberalism
Classical Liberalism: Intellectual Foundations
Classical Liberalism: Conservative Liberalism
Manchester Liberalism & Social Darwinism
Modern Social "Liberalism": Statist "Liberalism"
Radical & Totalitarian Ideologies
Radicalism, Utopianism, & Totalitarianism
Christopher G. Adamo is a freelance writer who lives in southeastern Wyoming and works in the field of industrial instrumentation.
He is actively involved in Wyoming's political process, serving as a delegate to successive Wyoming State Republican Conventions
and as a member of the Wyoming State Republican Central Committee. He has assisted Republican candidates for local and state
legislatures and for the United States Congress. His articles, which appear regularly in The Progressive Conservative, U.S.A.,
and on a number of other websites, reflect a major concern with the damage being done to Conservatism and Conservative causes by
the Liberal Leftist faction in the Republican Party as well as by the much larger and more powerful Liberal Leftist faction in the
Democratic Party. During the early and middle 1990s, Adamo was Editor of the Wyoming Christian Coalition's official news organ,
The Wyoming Christian.
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THE PROGRESSIVE CONSERVATIVE, USA
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Dr. Almon Leroy Way, Jr., Editor
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