THE PROGRESSIVE CONSERVATIVE, USA
An Online Journal of Political Commentary & Analysis
Volume IX, Issue # 230, December 8, 2007
Dr. Almon Leroy Way, Jr., Editor
Government Committed to & Acting in Accord with Conservative Principles
Ensures a Nation's Strength, Progress, & Prosperity
EXPOSING THE "FLYING IMAMS"
By M. Zuhdi Jasser
THE INTERNAL WAR BETWEEN ISLAMISTS & MAINSTREAM, PLURALISTIC, LOYAL AMERICAN MUSLIMS -- THE CONFLICT
OVER WHO IS TO BE THE VOICE OF AMERICAN ISLAM -- ON ONE SIDE OF THE STRUGGLE: THE ISLAMISTS, WHO
ADVOCATE AN AUTHORITARIAN SYSTEM OF GOVERNMENT, A MUCH GREATER INTERPLAY BETWEEN RELIGION & POLITICS,
& THE PRIMACY OF
SECTARIAN IDENTITY -- ON THE OTHER SIDE OF THE STRUGGLE: MUSLIMS EMBRACING WESTERN SECULAR
CONSTITUTIONALISM, REPRESENTATIVE DEMOCRACY, & CIVIL LIBERTIES GUARANTEES -- A MANIFESTO TO LAY THE
GROUNDWORK FOR LOYAL AMERICAN MUSLIMS TO WAGE AN EFFECTIVE COUNTER-JIHAD AGAINST ISLAMISM,
DECISIVELY DEFEAT THE ISLAMISTS, & ENSURE THE CREATION OF ASSIMILATIONIST, TOLERANT AMERICAN ISLAMIC
INSTITUTIONS
FULL STORY:
On November 20, 2006, airline officials in Minneapolis, Minnesota, removed six imams from U.S. Airways flight 300 to
Phoenix after their behavior raised the suspicion of fellow travelers. [1] The imams decried the incident as racist and
evidence of discrimination. On March 12, 2007, they filed suit against the airline, airport, and fellow passengers. Some
of the imams' claims are exaggerated; many are false. In reality, the incident was a tactical move to support the imams'
claim to leadership over the American Muslim community. Indeed, the "flying imams" case, Ahmed Shqeirat et al.
v. U.S. Airways, [2] appears to mark just the latest front in the war between Islamists and mainstream, pluralistic
American Muslims.
BACKGROUND
The airport episode appeared pre-planned, the American equivalent of the manufactured Danish cartoon controversy,
in which Danish Islamists, who hoped to benefit from polarization, exaggerated victimization and sought a pretext for
crisis. [3] The six imams, five of whom hailed from the Phoenix area, were returning from a North American Imams
Federation conference. Three drew attention to themselves when they conducted prayers at the departure gate rather
than in the airport chapel or quietly in their seats. However, they drew no response. On the plane, however, they
aroused passenger suspicion with loud Arabic conversations, requests for apparently unnecessary seat-belt extenders
— which can be used as weapons — and a post-boarding seating switch. Other passengers expressed their worries to
the crew, who had them removed. After this incident, Omar Shahin, President of the North American Imams Federation
and a prominent Phoenix imam, told the Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR, an Islamist advocacy group) and
its attorneys, "Security at the airport isn't our problem; it's their problem." [4]
On March 12, 2007, the imams, CAIR, and attorney Omar Mohammedi, a former president of CAIR's New York chapter,
filed suit not only against the airline and the Minneapolis Metropolitan Airports Commission, but also against the
anonymous "John Doe" passengers who alerted the crew to the imams' suspicious behavior.
The involvement of CAIR, an organization that has received significant Saudi financing, [5] injected impressive
machinery and resources into the case. Omar Shahin explained:
"Since minute one of this incident, I contacted [CAIR
Communications Director] Ibrahim Hooper and [CAIR
Executive Director] Brother Nihad Awad, and we arranged
everything. . . . Everything's being coordinated with CAIR." [6]
The group underwrote the cost of any litigation. [7]
CAIR used its national network of imams and press connections to draw attention to the case. Tactically, though, the
decision to litigate against ordinary passengers was a misstep. It drew critical commentary from the mainstream press. [8]
The Arizona Republic dubbed it "intimidation by lawsuit," [9] and many individuals and organizations, including
our own American Islamic Forum for Democracy, offered assistance to the passengers forced into court. [10] While
Mohammedi amended his suit to target only John Does whom he deemed "racist" or who had made false accusations, [11]
the discovery process would still require suspect passengers to retain counsel. Congress stepped in and, in late July,
2007, passed legislation protecting passengers from similar future lawsuits. [12] The Becket Fund for Religious Liberty
then filed an amicus brief with the court on August 1, 2007, asking the court to remove the John Does from the suit and
denouncing the imams' "attempt to hijack the court as legal terrorism." [13] Under this barrage of criticism, the imams
dropped their lawsuit against the passengers on August 23, 2007, [14] although they are proceeding with the rest of their
suit against the airline, its employees, and the Metropolitan Airports Commission.
MY EXPERIENCE WITH THE PHOENIX IMAMS
I have known three of the plaintiffs in the U.S. Airways suit for almost a decade. Soon after settling in Arizona in 1999, I
became involved in the local Muslim community. Before moving to Scottsdale, I usually attended Friday congregational
prayer services at the Islamic Community Center of Tempe, Arizona. Often, Ahmed Shqeirat, now the primary plaintiff,
delivered sermons at the mosque where he has long been imam. I was struck by the political nature of his sermons. He
repeatedly criticized both U.S. domestic and foreign policy and often exaggerated Muslim victimization. He advocated
political unification of Muslims internationally and blamed the United States, Israel, and the West for perceived slights.
He called for the political empowerment of Muslims in American society.
After hearing several sermons, I spoke and wrote to him to express my dismay at his emphasis of political over spiritual
topics. He responded that "secularism is Godlessness" and asserted a right to "speak about political injustice." The
concept of purely spiritual Islam and creation of an intellectual environment welcoming to all Muslims, regardless of
political persuasion, was anathema to him.
To give one example of his abuse of pulpit, during a Friday sermon in April, 2004, he displayed an image, which CAIR
had distributed, of an American soldier in Iraq with two young Iraqi boys. In the photo, the soldier held a sign saying,
"Lcpl Boudreaux killed my dad, then he knocked up my sister." [15] Shqeirat neither made any attempt to verify the
image's authenticity nor to determine, if real, whether it was representative. Nor, when he was asked, could he explain
how such a display related to Islamic theology or spirituality. The goal of using faith identity to divide society highlights
the incompatibility of Islamism with traditions of American culture and society.
I had similar concerns regarding the sermons of Marwan Saadeddin, another plaintiff, whose sermons I heard in the
Phoenix Valley. Following the U.S. Air 300 incident, Saadeddin spun the incident to the media [16] and transformed it into
a parable of victimization during a Friday sermon at a Phoenix Valley mosque. During the sermon, I heard him say, "I'd
rather be dead than removed from an airplane in handcuffs." Such is the political and fanatical ranting of one of Arizona's
leading imams. As is common among Islamist preachers, he substituted politics for theology and spirituality.
I also know Omar Shahin, another imam plaintiff. He resides in the Phoenix area and has been the head of the Valley Imam
Council of Phoenix, the former imam of the Islamic Center of Tucson, a teacher with the Arizona Cultural Academy, and
the imam of the Islamic Center of the East Valley. His hyperbole is typical of the Phoenix-area Islamists. He called the day
of his eviction from the U.S. Air flight "the worst day of [his] life," [17] a statement far more forceful than any he issued
after the 9-11 terrorist attacks in New York and Washington, the March 11, 2004 train bombings in Madrid, the July 7, 2005
London bus and Underground bombings, or in response to any Al-Qa'ida video seeking to justify the murder of
Americans and noncombatants in the name of religion. Indeed, he blamed the 9-11 attacks not on Muslim terrorists, but
on the CIA and FBI. [18]
There should also be concern regarding the involvement of some of the imams with Islamic charities shuttered because of
their terror financing. Shahin was the Arizona representative of Kindhearts and the Holy Land Foundation, both of which
the U.S. Treasury Department shut down because of their involvement with Hamas. [19] Saadeddin dismissed Hamas
connections as any reason for concern, recently stating:
"Hamas has nothing to do with [the] United States.
Talk about Al-Qa'ida only, because this is where
they hit America. . . . [If] America consider[s] it —
the foreign policy of America consider[s] Hamas —
as a terrorist. That's their business." [20]
RALLY & COUNTER-RALLY
Had the Islamist imams only apologized for terrorism, it would be bad enough. But they have also sought to undercut the
efforts of local Muslims to advocate against and condemn publicly terrorism conducted in the name of Islam. On
November 9, 2001, I published my first commentary, arguing that the vast core of American Muslims were loyal to the
American flag and the U.S. Constitution and that radical spokesmen did not represent the core community. [21] This
article led to the formation of the American Islamic Forum for Democracy (AIFD).
In Phoenix in 2004, AIFD organized the first Muslim rally against terrorism. [22] We first engaged the Arizona Interfaith
Movement, a statewide inclusive interfaith leadership organization, to support Muslims willing to take this stance. We
then approached the Valley Imam Council, which represents nearly all of the local Phoenix mosques and their imams. At
the time, Shahin chaired the council. We made it clear that the rally would be apolitical and that the only purpose was to
make clear, unambiguous statements about Islamic morality and ethics, including unequivocal statements that there is
never any justification for suicide, terrorism (the intentional targeting of noncombatants), and homicide bombing.
Rather than support such goals, Shahin, Shqeirat, and Saadeddin directed the Valley Council of Imams to withdraw
support. They used their pulpits instead to criticize the rally and its organizers. Citing the Arab-Israeli conflict, they
objected to the idea that terrorism is always forbidden. The local CAIR chapter also withdrew. Once the Valley Council
of Imams pulled out, the Interfaith Movement also withdrew support, for fear that the rally would not advance harmony.
AIFD proceeded alone. The April 25, 2004 "Standing with Muslims against Terrorism" rally was then held without the
public support of any local imams or any of the known Islamist organizations. The rally was a success. Four hundred
people attended, perhaps half of whom were Muslims. [23] All major local networks covered it. When the media asked
local imams about their refusal to participate, they responded by criticizing the rally's apolitical nature and said they
would only attend rallies in which they could argue that U.S. foreign policy was a major cause of terrorism. They also
objected to any linkage of Muslims with terrorism in the rally name.
Two weeks later, CAIR-Arizona held a counter "Muslim Americans for Human Rights and Dignity" rally in which they
failed to condemn explicitly terrorism and terrorists by name. The rally drew only seventy-five people. [24] The failure
of CAIR and the local imams to rally much support shows the falsehood of their claim to represent the mainstream
Muslim community. Many Muslims recognize the problem posed by terrorists justifying their actions in Islam. To deny
the association of Muslims with terrorism — as Islamist organizations like CAIR do — is counterproductive. The
Islamist strategy of picking and choosing whom they identify as a Muslim depending on the situation is disingenuous.
To deny that the Fort Dix terrorist attack plotters were not real Muslims, as CAIR-Arizona Chairman (and U.S. Airways
employee) Mohammed El-Sharkawy did, sidesteps the problem. [25] And, to argue that only scholars can determine
who is and who is not a true Muslim, not only appropriates God's duty [26], but also diminishes the egalitarian nature
of traditional Islam that accepts no intermediaries between the individual and God. [27]
IMPOSING LEADERSHIP
Creating intermediaries in order to claim false mandate remains the root of the imams' strategy. Organizations such as the
National American Imams Federation and the Assembly of American Muslim Jurists exist to impose hierarchy and, from
that self-appointed hierarchy, to establish the mandate to speak on behalf of the entire Muslim community. The Islamic
Society of North America, an un-indicted coconspirator in the United States of America vs. Holy Land Foundation et
al. terrorism financing trial, [28] formed a Leadership Development Center to train and indoctrinate imams. [29] On
March 7, 2007, it announced a leadership certifying program for imams in conjunction with the National American Imams
Federation. [30]
Establishing false leadership claims is also one reason why both CAIR and various Islamist imams attempt to partner with
U.S. law enforcement. On CNN's Paula Zahn Now, Shahin said:
"If you go back to our background, I am personally the
Chairperson for the Police Advisory Board. I did a
presentation for the FBI agent in Phoenix. I did [a]
presentation with CAIR-Arizona to Yuma Air Force
Base for more than 600 Marines." [31]
For many imams, participation in such programs bestows or recognizes legitimacy. This is wrong on two counts, however.
First, it again conflates policy work with religious legitimacy and, second, groups often exaggerate their partnerships. One
Homeland Security official said, "It is not uncommon for that particular organization [CAIR] to issue a press release
attempting to overstate their interaction with the Department." [32] Within the mosque, however, congregants rarely
question self-appointed Islamist spokesmen about the basis of their authority or legitimacy to represent attendees. Their
inflated associations outside the mosque feed their own efforts to legitimize control and tribalization. And government and
media acceptance of claims of victimization stops many non-Muslims from questioning the ideological motivations behind
the religious rhetoric that many of these groups employ.
For moderate, traditional Islam to reassert itself against well-funded Islamist organizations, though, it is necessary to
examine how political ideology pollutes spirituality. CAIR's involvement in the flying imam suit is problematic. Many
Muslims have seen the call by Nihad Awad, Executive Director of CAIR's National Office, for Muslims to report their
victimization to CAIR. Awad told an audience at the All Dulles (Virginia) Area Muslim Society:
"Reporting to an organization like CAIR is important,
because it is empowering. It is empowering to the
Muslims themselves who report; it is empowering to
the organization, and it is important to the status of
Muslims within the United States."
He urged Mullims in the U.S.A. to inflate the Muslim component of the FBI's annual hate crime statistics to compare better
to figures on anti-Jewish violence. [33] In 2005, for example, the FBI catalogued 848 anti-Semitic hate crimes, 128 anti-Islamic
hate crimes, and 115 anti-Christian hate crimes. [34] In essence, therefore, CAIR's focus on victimization and minority
politics is motivated by political Islam. The imams' victimization routine creates a self-fulfilling prophecy that CAIR can use
to bolster its own claims to be a civil rights organization. It would be as if firefighters committed arson in order to bolster
their position inside a community. That CAIR seeks to create facts to justify its political and foreign policy positions also
shows the rigidity of its top-down approach to the community it claims to represent.
THE STRUGGLE FOR AMERICAN ISLAM
While the press may focus on the flying imams case, for American Muslims, the battle is broader. On one side, are the imams
represented by CAIR, the Islamic Society for North America and the North American Imams Federation, all of which lean
toward an Islamist view supporting greater interplay between religion and politics and the primacy of sectarian identity. On
the other side, are Muslims embracing Western secular constitutionalism and representative democracy. The two sides are
mutually exclusive in their interpretation of religious hierarchy, the interplay between theology and contemporary politics,
individuality, and tolerance.
Responsibility for the victory of traditional, tolerant, and pluralistic interpretations of Islam lies with Muslims and Muslims
alone. The intellectual marginalization of Islamists is the duty of Muslims who value the principles upon which the United
States of America was built and now stands. This requires recognizing the primacy of the Constitution in political life, even
if Muslims turn to the Qur'an in their spiritual life. Islamists, though, insist that, regardless of temporal government,
the Qur'an should be the central guiding document for legislation and interpretation. Islamists believe the Qur'an
is the only source of law, while non-Islamists believe it is just one source.
Perhaps, this was the reason why the Prophet Muhammad and his companions sought to avoid creation of the same religious
intermediary class that today CAIR, the Islamic Society of North America, and the North American Imams Federation presume
to fill.
Within the United States today, most Muslim organizations — CAIR, the North American Imams' Federation, the Assembly of
Muslim Jurists of America, the Muslim Students' Association, the Islamic Society of North America, the Muslim Public Affairs
Council, the Muslim American Society, the Islamic Circle of North America, and the Center for the Study of Islam and
Democracy — embrace the Islamist approach. Many imams affiliate themselves with these organizations, fundraise on their
behalf, and parrot the political agenda of these organizations. The flying imams lawsuit is just one more example of the synergy
between the North American Imams Federation and CAIR.
A few small organizations — the American Islamic Forum for Democracy, the American Islamic Congress, the Islamic Supreme
Council of America, the Center for Eurasian Policy, and the Center for Islamic Pluralism — are moderate and support a
separation between spirituality and temporal politics. They are underrepresented in terms of resources and organization. Still, it
is this nascent anti-Islamist movement upon which the Muslim fight to embrace American pluralism and freedom depends. It is
also essential for interfaith relations. Many Americans are hungry to hear from Muslims who are not apologists for terror, who
are ready to lead the fight against militant Islamism, who respect the division between mosque and state, and who do not seek to
use their religion as a vehicle to change the American political landscape.
The struggle of these two trends to define Islam in America will last generations. It will require development of a new Islamic
ideology, one born from the founding ideology of the United States. This will require not only renewed ijtihad (interpretation),
but also the confidence of American Muslims to overcome Islamist and radical Wahhabist attempts to label any effort to
separate religion and government as bid‘a (illegitimate invention). While the transnational umma (Muslim community) might
engage itself in issues regarding theology, charity, socialization and worship, U.S. politics should be blind to faith. For any
American citizen or resident, the concept of loyalty to umma should be subordinate to loyalty to state and allegiance to the
U.S. Constitution.
Shari‘a (Islamic law) might guide Muslim individuals as they choose in their homes, but it should not be invoked in
government. Faith will still inspire Muslim behavior and actions, as it does with followers of other religions, but it should not
be articulated in government. The embrace and exposure of Islamist agendas will repel most Muslims. It is no surprise that,
despite its claims to represent American Muslims, CAIR's membership has plummeted 90 percent since 9-11, [35] a claim it
first refuted as a "hit piece" before confirming it in an amicus brief to the Dallas federal court hearing in the Holy Land
Foundation case. [36] A recent Pew Research Center poll showed that a plurality of Muslims believes mosques should remain
apolitical, [37] a finding which suggests the majority may oppose theocracy and Islamism. The finding is also significant when
put in the context of the fact that many Muslims came to the United States from autocratic societies where the mosque was
often the only haven for political speech. That so many now desire apolitical sermons suggests that they have come to
understand and appreciate the freedoms of U.S. society.
A MANIFESTO TO DEFEAT ISLAMISM
In 1964, Sayyid Qutb, the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood's leading theoretician, published Ma‘alim fi al-Tariq
(Milestones), in which he laid out steps to achieve an Islamic state and defeat the West. He described a generational
process to ensure the victory of Islamism over Western liberal (constitutional democratic) society. Liberal and traditional
Muslims have yet to wage an effective counter-jihad against their Islamist brethren. There does not yet exist a liberal Muslim
intellectual work equivalent to Milestones to lay the groundwork to defeat Islamism and ensure the creation of
integrationist, tolerant American Muslim institutions.
A starting point to counter the Qutb construct would be for Muslim leaders to acknowledge ten points:
An Islamic narrative should not constrain universal human principles.
Mosques should support the separation of church and state, even as
they take stands on social or political issues.
The affirmation of an egalitarian approach to faith beyond the constraints
of simple tolerance. Tolerance implies superiority while pluralism implies
equality.
Recognition that, if government enacts the literal laws of God, rather than
natural or human law, then government becomes God and abrogates
religion and the personal nature of the relationship with God.
Separation of mosque and state to include the abrogation of all blasphemy
and apostasy laws.
Empowerment of women's liberation and advocacy for equality as is
currently absent in many Muslim-majority, misogynistic cultures.
Ijtihad negating the need for Muslims active in politics today to bring
theology into the political debate. Nowhere in the Qur'an does God
tell Muslims to mix politics and religion or instruct by what document
governments should be guided.
Creation of movements and organizations that are specifically opposed to
such radical or terrorism-supporting groups as Al-Qa'ida, Hamas, Hezbollah,
Hizb ut-Tahrir, Jamaat al-Islamiya, and Al-Muhajiroun, to name a few, rather
than simply being against undefined, generic notions of terrorism.
Public identification of government leaders of Muslim majority countries
who are dictators and despots and are, as such, anti-liberty and
anti-pluralism. Muslims enjoying freedom in the West have yet to create
mass movements to liberate their motherlands from dictatorship and
theocracy and to move these toward secular constitutional democracies
founded on individual liberties for all based in natural law.
Establishment of classical liberal Muslim institutions and think tanks to
articulate, disseminate, and educate concerning the above principles. The
idea that individual liberty and freedom need not be mutually exclusive
with Muslim theology must be taught to Muslim youth.
Countering Islamism and combating Islamist terrorism should be a greater
public responsibility for the organized American Muslim community than
the obsession with civil rights and victimization in which current Islamist
organizations engage. Americans living in fear for their security are looking
to moderate, traditional Muslims to lead this fight. The credibility of the
Muslim community suffers because groups such as CAIR, ISNA, and the
North American Imams Federation deny the interplay between Islamism
and terrorism.
Non-Muslims also have a role. Both the U.S. government and mainstream media often give Islamists and their organizations
exclusive voice to speak on behalf of American Muslims, which creates a cycle of apparent, if not real, empowerment.
Seldom do they turn to non-Islamists and anti-Islamists who may represent far more American Muslims. The recent refusal
of PBS to air the ABG Films, Inc., documentary Islam v. Islamists is a prime example of the manner in which media
producers and executives shield Islamists from criticism. [38]
CONCLUSION
The imams and clerics who push for Islamist societies are none other than politicians who cloak themselves in religious
jargon. It is naïve to treat these clerics as simple activists or consider their civil rights discourse at face value. Until moderate
Muslims challenge their actions, terror networks and their ideologies will flourish. Freedom and liberty are prerequisites to
bring an individual close to God through religious practice free from coercion. If some imams fear that individuals will lose
faith without coercive direction, then they misunderstand both Islam and liberty.
As lawyers argue the merits of the flying imams' case in a Minneapolis courtroom, a silver lining is apparent: Excessive
litigation on their part has eroded support for Islamist organizations such as CAIR, ISNA, and the National American Imams
Federation, both nationally and also within the Muslim community. [39] Their loss could be the moderates' and liberals'
opportunity to create a new American Muslim narrative.
NOTES:
[1] Star Tribune (Minneapolis-St. Paul), Nov. 21, 2006.
[2] Ahmed Shqeirat v. U.S. Airways Group, Inc. (John Does and Metropolitan Airports Commission), case: 2007cv01513, Mar. 4, 2007, accessed Sept. 17, 2007.
[3] Pernille Ammitzbøll and Lorenzo Vidino, "After the Danish Cartoon Controversy," Middle East Quarterly, Winter 2007, pp. 3-11.
[4] "Suing Imams Were ‘Spoiling for an Incident'" 9/11 Families for a Safe and Strong America, Apr. 9, 2007; transcribed from audio file of phone conference available at North American Imams Federation website, accessed Sept. 17, 2007.
[5] Daniel Pipes and Sharon Chadha, CAIR: Islamists Fooling the Establishment, Middle East Quarterly, Spring 2006, pp. 3-20.
[6] Omar Shahin speaking to imams, NAIF, and CAIR by telephone conference call, Nov. 21, 2006. Audio file at American Islamic Forum for Democracy website, excerpted from full audio file at North American Imams Federation website, accessed Sept. 17, 2007; "‘Flying Imam' and the Company He Keeps," 9/11 Families for a Safe and Strong America, Apr. 20, 2007.
[7] Amy Goodman, "High-flying Profiling," Democracy Now, Nov. 29, 2006.
[8] USA Today, Mar. 26, 2007; "The John Doe Lawsuits," The New York Sun, Apr. 3, 2007.
[9] The Arizona Republic, Mar. 30, 2007.
[10] The Washington Times, Mar. 21, 2007.
[11] The Washington Times, Mar. 31, 2007.
[12] Fox News, July 25, 2007.
[13] "Becket Fund Asks Court to Remove John Does from Flying Imams Case," Becket Fund for Religious Liberty, Washington, D.C., Aug. 1, 2007.
[14] The Washington Times, Aug. 23, 2007.
[15] CAIR news release. Apr. 2, 2004.
[16] Paula Zahn Now, CNN, Nov. 28, 2006.
[17] KSAZ, Fox 10 (Phoenix), Nov. 27, 2006.
[18] The Arizona Republic, Sept. 28, 2001.
[19] The Washington Times, Dec. 1, 2006.
[20] KFYI 550 AM (Phoenix), Nov. 30, 2006; Joe Kaufman and Gary Gross, "Fifth Column Imam Flyers," FrontPage Magazine, Apr. 20, 2007.
[21] M. Zuhdi Jasser, "Vast Core of Muslims in U.S. Loyal to the Flag," The Arizona Republic, Nov. 9, 2001.
[22] "Muslim and American Patriot," The Washington Times, Apr. 24, 2004.
[23] The Jewish News of Greater Phoenix, Apr. 30, 2004.
[24] The Arizona Republic, May 15, 2004.
[25] The Arizona Republic, May 15, 2007.
[26] Qur. 4:94.
[27] Qur. 50:16
[28] United States of America vs. Holy Land Foundation et al., U.S. District Court for the Northern District of Texas, Dallas Division, Appendix A, CR no. 3:04-CR-240-G.
[29] INSA Leadership Development Center website, Plainfield, Ind., Islamic Society of North America, accessed Aug. 29, 2007.
[30] "ILDC to work with NAIF on Leadership Certificate for Imams," ISNA Leadership Development Center, Mar. 7, 2007.
[31] Paula Zahn Now, Nov. 28, 2006.
[32] The Washington Times, June 12, 2007.
[33] Center for Vigilant Freedom, audio on CAIR's meeting on the six imams at All Dulles Area Muslim Society (ADAMS) Center, Apr. 30, 2007, accessed May 20, 2007.
[34] "Table 1: Incident, Offenses, Victims, and Known Offenders by Bias Motivation, 2005," Hate Crime Statistics, 2005, Federal Bureau of Investigation, Clarksburg, W. Va., Oct. 2006.
[35] The Washington Times, June 12, 2007.
[36] The Washington Times, Aug. 21, 2007.
[37] "Muslim Americans: Middle Class and Mostly Mainstream," Pew Research Center, Washington, D.C., May 22, 2007.
[38] The Arizona Republic, Apr. 10, 2007.
[39] Floyd Abrams, "Be Careful What You Sue for: The Islamic Society of Boston Loses Its Libel Case and Its Reputation," The Wall Street Journal, June 10, 2007.
LINKS TO RELATED TOPICS:
Islamism & Jihadism -- The Threat of Radical Islam
Page Three
Page Two
Page One
International Politics & World Disorder:
War & Peace in the Real World
Page Two
Page One
Islamist Terrorist Attacks on the U.S.A.
Terrorism & American Homeland Security
Osama bin Laden & the Islamist Declaration of War
Against the U.S.A. & Western Civilization
Islamist International Terrorism &
U.S. Intelligence Agencies
Counterterrorism & U.S. National Security
The USA Patriot Act
The Fifth Column -- America's Internal Enemies:
Disloyalty, Subversion, Sedition, & Treason
U.S. National Security Strategy
American Foreign Policy -- The Middle East
M. Zuhdi Jasser, a former U.S. Navy lieutenant commander, is Chairman of the Board of the American Islamic Forum for
Democracy (www.aifdemocracy.org).
The foregoing article by Zuhdi Jasser was originally published in the Middle East Quarterly, Winter, 2008, and
can be found on the Internet website
maintained by the Middle East Forum, a think tank which seeks to define and
promote American interests in the Middle East, defining U.S. interests to include fighting radical Islam, working for
Palestinian Arab acceptance of the State of Israel, improving the management of U.S. efforts to promote constitutional
democracy in the Middle East, reducing America's energy dependence on the Middle East, more robustly asserting U.S.
interests vis-à-vis Saudi Arabia, and countering the Iranian threat.
Republished with Permission of the Middle East Forum
Reprinted from the Middle East Forum News
mefnews@meforum.org (MEF NEWS)
December 5, 2007
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