The war on terror started on September the 11, 2001, when our nation awoke to a sudden terrorist attack. Like generations before us, we have accepted new responsibilities, confronting present dangers with new resolve. We arere taking the fight to the terrorists who attacked us and to all Islamist jihadists and to all others who share the murderous Islamist vision for future attacks on the U.S.A.. We will fight this war without wavering, and we will prevail.

The war on terror will take many turns, and the enemy must be defeated on many fronts -- defeated on every battlefield, from the streets of Western cities to the mountains of Afghanistan, to the tribal regions of Pakistan, to the islands of Southeast Asia, and to the Horn of Africa. Yet, the Islamist terrorists have made it clear that Iraq is the central front in their war against humanity, so we must recognize Iraq is the central front in the war on terror.

Last month, my administration released a document titled National Strategy for Victory in Iraq, [1] and, in recent weeks I've been discussing our strategy with the American people. At the U.S. Naval Academy, I spoke about our efforts to defeat the terrorists and train Iraqi security forces so they can provide safety for their own citizens. Last week, before the Council on Foreign Relations, I explained how we are working with Iraqi forces and Iraqi leaders to help Iraqis improve security and restore order, to rebuild cities taken from the enemy, and to help the national government revitalize Iraq's infrastructure and economy. Today I'm going to speak in depth about another vital element of our strategy: our efforts to help the Iraqi people build a lasting constitutional democracy in the heart of the Middle East. I can think of no better place to discuss the rise of a free Iraq than in the heart of Philadelphia, the city where America's constitutional democratic republic was born.

[1] Editor's Note: To see this document, Click Here.

A few blocks from here stands Independence Hall, where our Declaration of Independence was signed and our Federal Constitution was drafted, debated, and proposed. From the perspective of more than two centuries, the success of America's constitutional democratic experiment seems almost inevitable. At the time, however, that success didn't seem so obvious or assured.

The eight years from the end of the Revolutionary War to the election of a constitutional government were a time of disorder and upheaval. There were uprisings, with mobs attacking courthouses and government buildings. There was a planned military coup, which was defused only by the personal intervention of General George Washington. In 1783, Congress was chased from Philadelphia by angry veterans demanding back-pay, and the members of Congress stayed on the run for six months. There were tensions between the mercantile North and the agricultural South, tensions that threatened to break apart our young republic. And there were British loyalists who were opposed to independence and had to be reconciled with America's new constitutional democracy.

Our founders faced many difficult challenges, making mistakes, learning from their experiences, and adjusting their approach. Our nation's first effort at governing -- a governing charter, the Articles of Confederation -- failed. It took years of debate and compromise before we ratified our Federal Constitution -- the Constitution of the United States of America -- and inaugurated our first President. It took a four-year civil war, and a century of struggle after that, before the promise of our Declaration was extended to all Americans.

It is important to keep this history in mind as we look at the progress of freedom and constitutional democracy in Iraq. No nation in history has made the transition to a free society without facing challenges, setbacks, and false starts. The past two-and-a-half years have been a period of difficult struggle in Iraq, yet they've also been a time of great hope and achievement for the Iraqi people.

Just over two-and-a-half years ago, Iraq was in the grip of a cruel dictator who had invaded his neighbors, sponsored terrorists, pursued and used weapons of mass destruction, murdered his own people, and, for more than a decade, defied the demands of the United Nations and the civilized world. Since then, the Iraqi people have assumed sovereignty over their country, held free elections, drafted a democratic constitution, and approved that constitution in a nationwide referendum. Three days from now, they go to polls for the third time this year, and choose a new government under the new constitution.

It's a remarkable transformation for a country that has had virtually no experience with constitutionalism and representative democracy, and which is struggling to overcome the legacy of one of the worst tyrannies the world has known. And Iraqis achieved all this while determined enemies used and continue to use violence and destruction to stop the progress. There's still a lot of difficult work to be done in Iraq, but, thanks to the courage of the Iraqi people, the year 2005 will be recorded as a turning point in the history of Iraq, the history of the Middle East, and the history of freedom.

As the Iraqi people struggle to build their constitutional democracy, adversaries continue their war on a free Iraq. The enemy in Iraq is a combination of rejectionists, Saddamists, and terrorists.

The rejectionists are ordinary Iraqis, mostly Sunni Arabs, who miss the privileged status they had under the Baathist regime of Saddam Hussein. They reject an Iraq in which they are no longer the dominant group. We believe that, over time, most of this group will be persuaded to support a constitutional democratic Iraq led by a federated central government that is strong enough to protect minority rights, while maintaing law and order throughout the entire country. And we are encouraged that many Sunnis plan to actively participate in this week's election.

The Saddamists, or Baathists, are former regime loyalists who harbor dreams of returning to power. They are trying to foment anti-democratic and anti-constitutionalist sentiment amongst the larger Sunni community. Yet, they lack popular support. Over time, therefore, they can be marginalized and defeated by the people and security forces of a free Iraq.

The terrorists affiliated with or inspired by al-Qa'ida are the smallest, but most lethal, group of insurgents. Many are foreigners who came to fight freedom's progress in Iraq. They are led by a brutal terrorist named Abu Musab al-Zarqawi -- an Islamist terrorist who is al-Qa'ida's chief of operations in Iraq and who has stated his allegiance to Osama bin Laden. The terrorists' stated objective is to drive U.S. and Coalition forces out of Iraq and gain control of that country, and then use Iraq as a base from which to launch attacks against America and the West, overthrow moderate governments in the Middle East, and establish a totalitarian Islamic empire that reaches from Spain to Indonesia.

The terrorists in Iraq share the Islamist political ideology of the terrorists who struck the United States of America on September 11, 2001. They share that ideology with those who blew up commuters in London and Madrid, murdered tourists in Bali, killed workers in Riyadh, and slaughtered guests at a wedding in Amman, Jordan. This is an enemy without conscience, and they cannot be appeased. If we were not fighting and destroying this enemy in Iraq, they would not be leading quiet lives as good citizens. They would be plotting and killing our citizens, across the world and here at home. By fighting the terrorists in Iraq, we are confronting a direct threat to the American people, and we will accept nothing less than complete victory.

We are pursuing a comprehensive strategy in Iraq. Our goal is victory, and victory will be achieved when the terrorists and Saddamists can no longer threaten Iraq's constitutional democracy, when the Iraqi security forces can provide for the safety of their own citizens, and when Iraq is not a safe haven for terrorists to plot new attacks against the U.S.A. and the West.

Our strategy in Iraq has three elements: political, economic, and security. On the economic side, we're helping the Iraqis restore their infrastructure, reform their economy, and build the prosperity that will give all Iraqis a stake in a free and peaceful Iraq. On the security side, Coalition and Iraqi forces are on the offense against the enemy. We're working together to clear out areas controlled by the terrorists and Saddam loyalists, and leaving Iraqi forces to hold territory taken from the enemy. And as we help Iraqis fight these enemies, we are working to build capable and effective Iraqi security forces, so they can take the lead in the fight, and eventually take responsibility for the safety and security of their citizens, without major foreign assistance.

We're making steady progress. The Iraqi forces are becoming more and more capable. They're taking more responsibility for more and more territory. We're transferring bases to their control so they can take the fight to the enemy. And that means American and Coalition forces can concentrate on training Iraqis, and hunting down the high-value targets like the terrorist al-Zarqawi and his associates.

Today, I want to discuss the political element of our strategy: our efforts to help the Iraqis build inclusive constitutional democratic institutions that will protect the interests of all the Iraqi people. By helping Iraqis to build a constitutional democracy, we will win over those who doubted they had a place in a new Iraq, and undermine the terrorists and Saddamists. By helping Iraqis to build a constitutional democracy, we will gain an ally in the war on terror. By helping Iraqis build a constitutional democracy, we will inspire reformers across the Middle East. And by helping Iraqis build a constitutional democracy, we will bring hope to a troubled region, and this will make the American people more secure.

From the outset, the political element of our strategy in Iraq has been guided by a clear principle: Constitutional democracy takes different forms in different cultures. Yet, in all cultures, successful free societies are built on certain common foundations -- the rule of law, freedom of speech, freedom of assembly, a free economy, and freedom to worship. Respect for the beliefs of others is the only way to build a society where compassion and tolerance prevail. Societies that lay these foundations well not only survive, but thrive. Societies that do not lay these foundations well risk backsliding into tyranny.

When our Coalition arrived in Iraq, we found a nation where almost none of these basic foundations existed. Decades of brutal rule by Saddam Hussein had destroyed the fabric of Iraqi civil society. Under Saddam, Iraq was a country where dissent was crushed. A centralized economy enriched a dictator, instead of the people; secret courts meted out repression, instead of justice; and Kurds, Shia Muslims, and other groups were brutally oppressed. And, when Saddam Hussein's regime fled Baghdad, they left behind a country with few civic institutions in place to hold Iraq society together.

To fill the vacuum after liberation, we established the Coalition Provisional Authority. The CPA was ably led by Ambassador Jerry Bremer, and many fine officials from our government volunteered to serve in the CPA. While things did not always go as planned, these men and women did a good job under extremely difficult and dangerous circumstances. They did a good job helping to restore basic services, making sure food was distributed, and reestablishing government ministries.

One of the CPA's most important tasks was bringing the Iraqi people into the decision-making process of their government, after decades of tyrannical rule and political suppression. Three months after liberation, our Coalition worked with the United Nations and Iraqi leaders to establish an Iraqi Governing Council. The Governing Council gave Iraqis a voice in their own affairs, but it was unelected. It was subordinate to the CPA and, therefore, it did not satisfy the hunger of Iraqis for self-government. Like free people everywhere, Iraqis wanted to be governed by leaders they had elected, not foreign officials.

So, in the Summer of 2003, we proposed a plan to transfer sovereignty to the Iraqi people. Under this plan, the CPA would continue to govern Iraq, while appointed Iraqi leaders drafted a constitution, put that constitution before the people, and then held elections to choose a new government. Only when that elected government took office would the Iraqis regain their sovereignty.

This plan met with the disapproval of the Iraqis. They made it clear that they wanted a constitution that was written by elected leaders of a free Iraq, and they wanted sovereignty placed in Iraqi hands sooner. We listened, and we adjusted our approach. In November of 2003, we negotiated a new plan with the Governing Council, with steps for an accelerated transition to Iraqi self-government. Under this new plan, a Transitional Administrative Law was written by the Governing Council and adopted in March of 2004. This law guaranteed personal freedoms unprecedented in the Arab world, and set forth four major milestones to guide Iraq's transition to a constitutional democracy.

The first milestone was the transfer of sovereignty to an Iraqi interim government by the end of June 2004. The second was for Iraqis to hold free elections to choose a transitional government by January of 2005. The third was for Iraqis to adopt a democratic constitution, which would be drafted no later than August, 2005, and put before the Iraqi people in a nationwide referendum no later than October. And the fourth was for Iraqis to choose a government under that democratic constitution, with elections held December, 2005.

The first milestone was met when our Coalition handed over sovereignty to the Iraqi leaders on June 28, 2004 -- two days ahead of schedule. In January, 2005, Iraqis met the second milestone when they went to the polls and chose their leaders in free elections. Almost eight-and-a-half million Iraqis defied the car bombers and assassins to cast their ballots, and the world watched in awe as jubilant Iraqis danced in the street and held ink-stained fingers and celebrated their freedom.

The January elections were a watershed event for Iraq and the Middle East, but were not without flaws. One problem was the failure of the vast majority of Sunni Arabs to vote. When Sunnis saw a new 275-member parliament taking power in which they had only 16 seats, many realized that their failure to participate in the democratic political process had hurt their chances in the elections and harmed the interests of their group. And Shia and Kurdish leaders who had won power at the polls saw that, for a free and unified Iraq to succeed, they needed Sunni Arabs to be part of the government. We encouraged Iraq's leaders to reach out to Sunni leaders, and bring them into the governing process. When the transitional government was seated in the Spring of this year, Sunni Arabs filled important posts, including Vice President, Minister of Defense, and the Speaker of the National Assembly.

The new government's next political challenge -- the main political challenge -- was to meet the third milestone, which was adopting a democratic constitution. Again, Iraq's leaders reached out to Sunni Arabs who had boycotted the elections and included them in the drafting process. Fifteen Sunni Arab negotiators and several Sunni Arab advisors joined the work of the constitutional drafting committee. After much tough debate, representatives of Iraq's diverse communities drafted a bold constitution that guarantees the rule of law, freedom of assembly, property rights, freedom of speech and the press, women's rights, and the right to vote. As one Arab scholar put it, the Iraqi Constitution marks "the dawn of a new age in Arab life."

The document that initially emerged from the constitutional drafting committee did not unify Iraqis, and many Sunnis on the committee did not support the draft. Yet, Iraq's leaders continued working to gain Sunni support. And, thanks to last-minute changes -- including a new procedure for considering amendments to the Constitution next year -- a deal was struck four days before the Iraqis went to the polls. The revised Constitution was endorsed by Iraq's largest Sunni party. It was approved in referendum that attracted over a million more voters than in the January elections. Many Sunnis voted against the Constitution, but Sunnis voted in large numbers for the first time. They joined the political process. And, by doing so, they rejected the violence of the Saddamists and rejectionists. Through hard work and compromise, Iraqis adopted the most progressive, democratic constitution in the Arab world.

On Thursday, Iraqis will meet their fourth milestone. And, when they do go to the polls and choose a new government under the new Constitution, it will be a remarkable event in the Arab world. Despite terrorist violence, the country is buzzing with signs and sounds of constitutional democracy in action. The streets of Baghdad, Najaf, Mosul, and other cities are full of signs and posters. The television and radio air waves are thick with political ads and commentary. Hundreds of parties and coalitions have registered for this week's elections, and they're campaigning vigorously. Candidates are holding rallies and laying out their agendas and asking for the voters' support.

Our troops see this young constitutional democracy up close. First Lieutenant Frank Shriley of Rock Hall, Maryland, says:

"It's a cool thing riding around Baghdad and seeing the posters -- it reminds me of being home during election time. After so many years of being told what to do, having a real vote is different."

Unlike the January elections, many Sunnis are campaigning vigorously for office this time around. Many Sunni parties that opposed the Constitution have registered to compete in this week's vote. Two major Sunni coalitions have formed, and other Sunni leaders have joined national coalitions that cross religious, ethnic, and sectarian boundaries. As one Sunni politician put it, this election "is a vote for Iraq; we want a national Iraq, not a sectarian one."

To encourage broader participation by all Iraqi communities, the National Assembly made important changes in Iraq's electoral laws that will increase Sunni representation in the new Assembly. In the January elections, Iraq was one giant electoral district, so seats in the Transitional Assembly simply reflected voter turnout. Because few Sunnis voted, their communities were left with little representation. Now, Iraq has a new electoral system, where seats in the new Council of Representatives will be allocated by province and population -- much like our own House of Representatives. This new system is encouraging more Sunnis to join in the democratic process because it ensures that Sunnis will be well-represented, even if the terrorists and Saddamists try to intimidate voters in the provinces where most Sunnis live.

More Sunnis are involved because they see Iraqi democracy succeeding. They have learned a lesson of democracy: They must participate to have a voice in their nation's affairs. A leading Sunni who had boycotted the January vote put it this way: "The Sunnis are now ready to participate." A Sunni sheik explains why Sunnis must join the process: "In order not to be marginalized, we need power in the National Assembly." As more Sunnis join the political process, the Saddamists and remaining rejectionists will be marginalized. As more Sunnis join the political process, they will protect the interests of their community.

Like the Shia and Kurds, who face daily attacks from the terrorists and Saddamists, many Sunnis who join the political process are being targeted by the enemies of a free Iraq. The Iraqi Islamic Party -- a Sunni party that boycotted the January vote and now supports elections -- has seen its offices bombed. And a party leader reports that at least 10 members have been killed since the party announced it would field candidates in Thursday's elections. Recently, a top Sunni electoral official visited the Sunni stronghold of Baquba. He went to encourage local leaders to participate in the elections. During his visit, a roadside bomb went off. It rattled his convoy, but it didn't stop it. He says this about the attempt on his life:

"The bomb is nothing [compared to] what we're doing. What we're doing is bigger than the bomb."

By pressing forward and meeting their milestones, the Iraqi people have built momentum for freedom and constitutional democracy. They've encouraged those outside the process to come in. At every stage, there was enormous pressure to let the deadlines slide, with skeptics and pessimists declaring that Iraqis were not ready for self-government. At every stage, Iraqis proved the skeptics and pessimists wrong. At every stage, Iraqis have exposed the errors of those in our country and across the world who question the universal appeal of liberty. By meeting their milestones, Iraqis are defeating a brutal enemy, rejecting a murderous ideology, and choosing freedom over terror.

This week elections won't be perfect, and a successful vote is not the end of the process. Iraqis still have more difficult work ahead, and our Coalition and the new Iraqi government will face many challenges, including in four critical areas: ensuring Iraqi security, forming an inclusive Iraqi government, encouraging Iraqi reconciliation, and maintaining Iraqi constitutional democracy in a tough neighborhood.

The first key challenge is security. As constitutional democracy takes hold in Iraq, the terrorists and Saddamists will continue to use violence. They will try to break our will and intimidate the Iraqi people and their leaders. These enemies aren't going to give up because of a successful election. They understand what is at stake in Iraq. They know that, as constitutional democracy takes root in that country, their hateful ideology will suffer a devastating blow, and the Middle East will have a clear example of freedom, prosperity, and hope.

So, our Coalition will continue to hunt down the terrorists and Saddamists. We'll continue training Iraqi security forces to take the lead in the fight to defend their new constitutional democracy. As the Iraqi security forces stand up, Coalition forces can stand down. And, when victory is achieved, our troops will then return home with the honor they have earned.

The second key challenge is forming an inclusive government that protects the interests of all Iraqis, and encourages more and more in the rejectionist camp to abandon violence and embrace politics. Early next year, Iraq's new parliament will come to Baghdad and select a prime minister, a presidency council, and a cabinet of ministers. Two-thirds of the new parliament must agree on filling the top leadership posts, and this will demand negotiation and compromise. It will require patience by America and our Coalition allies. This new government will face many tough decisions on issues such as security, reconstruction, and economic reform. Iraqi leaders will also have to review and possibly amend the Constitution and ensure that this historic document earns the broad support of all Iraqi communities. By taking these steps, Iraqi leaders will build a strong and lasting constitutional democracy. This is an important step in helping to defeat the terrorists and the Saddamists.

The third key challenge is establishing the rule of law and a culture of reconciliation. Iraqis still have to overcome longstanding ethnic and religious tensions, and the legacy of three decades of dictatorship. During the regime of Saddam Hussein, Shia, Kurds, and other groups were brutally oppressed, and, for some there is now a temptation to take justice into their own hands. Recently, U.S. and Iraqi troops have discovered prisons in Iraq where mostly Sunni men were held, some of whom have appeared to have been beaten and tortured. This conduct is unacceptable; the Prime Minister and other Iraqi officials have condemned these abuses, an investigation has been launched, and we support these efforts. Those who committed these crimes must be held to account.

We will continue helping Iraqis build an impartial system of justice that protects all of Iraq's citizens. Millions of Iraqis are seeing their independent judiciary in action, as their former dictator, Saddam Hussein, is put on trial in Baghdad. The man who once struck fear in the hearts of Iraqis has heard his victims recount the acts of torture and murder that he ordered. One Iraqi watching the proceedings said: "We all feel happiness about this fair trial." Slowly but surely, with the help of our Coalition, Iraqis are replacing the rule of a tyrant with the rule of law, and ensuring equal justice for all their citizens.

Oh, I know some fear the possibility that Iraq could break apart and fall into a civil war. I don't believe these fears are justified. They're not justified, so long as we do not abandon the Iraqi people in their hour of need. Encouraging reconciliation and human rights in a society scarred by decades of arbitrary violence and sectarian division is not going to be easy and is not going to happen overnight. Yet the Iraqi government has a process in place to resolve even the most difficult issues through negotiation, debate, and compromise. And the United States, along with the United Nations, the Arab League and other international partners, will support the Iraqi government's efforts to help resolve these extremely difficult issues. And as Iraqis continue to develop the habits of liberty, they will gain confidence in the future, and ensure that Iraqi national loyalty and unity trump Iraqi sectarianism.

A fourth key challenge is for Iraqis to maintain their newfound freedoms in a tough neighborhood. Iraq's neighbor to the east, Iran, is actively working to undermine a free Iraq. Iran doesn't want constitutional democracy in Iraq to succeed because a free Iraq threatens the legitimacy of Iran's oppressive theocracy. Iraq's neighbor to the west, Syria, is permitting terrorists to use that territory to cross into Iraq. The vast majority of Iraqis do not want to live under an Iranian-style theocracy, and they don't want Syria to allow the transit of bombers and killers into Iraq. The United States of America will stand with the Iraqi people against the threats from these neighbors.

We will continue to encourage greater support from the Arab world and the broader international community. Many Arab states have kept the new Iraq at arms' distance. Yet as more Arab states are beginning to recognize that a free Iraq is here to stay, they are starting to give Iraq's new government more support. Recently, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, and Jordan have welcomed the Iraqi Prime Minister on official visits. Last month, the Arab League hosted a meeting in Cairo to promote national reconciliation among Iraqis, and another such meeting is planned for next year in Baghdad.

These are important steps, but Iraq's neighbors need to do more. Arab leaders are beginning to recognize that the choice in Iraq is between constitutional democracy and Islamic terrorism, that there is no middle ground. The success of Iraqi constitutional democracy is in their vital interests because, if the terrorists prevail in Iraq, they will then target other Arab nations.

International support for Iraq's constitutional democracy is growing, as well. Other nations have pledged more than $13 billion in assistance to Iraq, and we call on them, those who have pledged assistance, to make good on their commitments. The World Bank recently approved its first loan to Iraq in over 30 years, lending the Iraqi government $100 million to improve the Iraqi school system. The United Nations is playing a vital role in Iraq -- they assisted in last January's elections, in the negotiations for the Constitution, and in the recent constitutional referendum. At the request of the Iraqi government, the U.N. Security Council unanimously approved a resolution extending the mandate of the multinational force in Iraq through 2006. Earlier this year, the European Union co-hosted a conference of more than 80 countries and international organizations seeking to better coordinate their efforts to help Iraqis rebuild their nation. Whatever differences there were over the decision to liberate Iraq, all free nations now share a common interest -- building an Iraq that will fight terror and be a source of stability and freedom in a troubled region of the world.

Though the challenges ahead are complex and difficult, Iraqis are determined to overcome them and build a free nation. And they require our support. Millions of Iraqis will put their lives on the line this Thursday in the name of liberty and democracy. And 160,000 of America's finest are putting their lives on the line so Iraqis can succeed. The American and Iraqi people share the same interests and the same enemies, and, by helping constitutional democracy succeed in Iraq, we bring greater security to our citizens here at home.

The terrorists, knowing that constitutional democracy is their enemy, will continue fighting freedom's progress with all the hateful determination they can muster. Yet, the Iraqi people are stepping forward to claim their liberty, and they will have it. When the new Iraqi government takes office next year, Iraqis will have the only constitutional democracy in the Arab world, and Americans will have a partner for peace and moderation in the Middle East.

People across the broader Middle East are drawing, and will continue to draw, inspiration from Iraq's progress, and the terrorists' powerful myth is being destroyed. In a 1998 fatwa, Osama bin Laden argued that the suffering of the Iraqi people was justification for his declaration of war on America. Now bin Laden and al-Qa'ida are the direct cause of the Iraqi people's suffering. As more Muslims across the world see this, they're turning against the terrorists. As the hope of liberty spreads in the Middle East, the terrorists will lose their sponsors, their recruits, and the sanctuaries they need to plan new attacks.

A free Iraq is not going to be a quiet Iraq. It will be a nation full of passionate debate and vigorous political activity. It will be a nation that continues to face some level of violence. Yet, Iraqis are showing they have the patience and courage to make constitutional democracy work, and Americans have the patience and courage to help them succeed.

Having done this kind of work before, we must have confidence in our cause. In World War II, the free nations defeated Fascism and helped our former adversaries, Germany and Japan, build strong constitutional democracies. Today, these nations are allies in securing the peace. In the Cold War, free nations defeated Communism, and helped our former Warsaw Pact adversaries become strong democracies. Today, nations of Central and Eastern Europe are allies in the war on terror.

Today, in the Middle East, freedom is once again contending with a totalitarian ideology that seeks to sow anger and hatred and despair. And, like Fascism and Communism before, the hateful ideologies that use terror will be defeated by the unstoppable power of freedom.

The advance of freedom in the Middle East requires freedom in Iraq. By helping Iraqis build a lasting constitutional democracy, we will spread the hope of liberty across a troubled region, and we'll gain new allies in the cause of freedom. By helping Iraqis build a strong constitutional democracy, we're adding to our own security, and, like a generation before us, we're laying the foundation of peace for generations to come.

Not far from here, where we gather today, is a symbol of freedom familiar to all Americans -- the Liberty Bell. When the Declaration of Independence was first read in public, the Liberty Bell was sounded in celebration, and a witness said: "It rang as if it meant something." Today, the call of liberty is being heard in Baghdad, Basra and other Iraqi cities, and its sound is echoing across the broader Middle East. From Damascus to Tehran, people hear it, and they know it means something. It means that the days of tyranny and terror are ending, and a new day of hope and freedom is dawning.

The foregoing speech was delivered by President George W. Bush, on December 12, at a meeting of the Philadelphia World Affairs Council.

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